Zimbabwe Culture in Contemporary Art and Architecture

Journal of Southern African Studies, Volume 32, Number 4, December 2006

The Kingdom, the Power and Forevermore: Zimbabwe Culture in Contemporary Art and Architecture* Innocent Pikirayi (University of Pretoria)

According to Qassim Sultan, architectural heritage reflects the development of society, and its ability to adapt and meet functional and other needs.1 It is manifest in monuments and public buildings, which create a sense of continuity between the past and the present. Scholars are increasingly interested in the way such sites evoke memories, define cultural identities and create a sense of belonging. Architectural heritage can become part of a community’s expression of belief in its history, culture and self. This article explores such issues in relation to public buildings and holiday resorts constructed in Zimbabwe since the early 1990s, focusing on architectural styles inspired by the country’s rich archaeological and historical heritage, which are discussed in the light of debates over ‘post-modernist’ architecture. The article argues that architectural heritage plays a critical role in contemporary Zimbabwe, as demonstrated by the range of functions served by these buildings. Yet for archaeologists this heritage poses challenging questions regarding the ways in which the past is represented. It is evident that the past ‘sells’, despite inconsistencies in its presentation, representation and interpretation. Indeed, the marketing of this heritage is largely for tourist consumption. Some buildings evoke ‘usable’ notions of the past, provoking inspiration and a sense of attachment or nostalgia. Other buildings express political power, economic control and ritual elaboration on the part of the postcolonial state.

Introduction This article provides a critique of post-modern architecture, and its representation of the precolonial past. It also aims to appraise contemporary attitudes to the past and the values represented in architectural heritage with its selectivity of cherished features chosen to serve the needs of the present. The objective of the critique is to contribute to the ongoing discussion among archaeologists in general, and cultural heritage practitioners in particular, regarding ‘the past in the present’ and the commercial value of cultural heritage as well as misconceptions and related misrepresentations. The stone relics at Mapungubwe, Great Zimbabwe, Khami, Danangombe, and other sites are one of the dominant pre-colonial cultures in southern Africa from the Shashe-Limpopo basin to the Zambezi Valley, and are

* This article was originally presented at conference entitled ‘Heritage in Southern and Eastern Africa: Imagining and Marketing Public Culture and History’, Livingstone, Zambia, 5–9 July 2004. I wish to thank the Journal of Southern African Studies (JSAS), and the British Institute in Eastern Africa for their invitation and financial assistance to attend the conference. 1 Qassim Sultan is the current Director General of Dubai Municipality. His ideas are contained in a circular addressed to prospective participants of the ‘First International Conference on Architectural Conservation: Between Theory and Practice’ which was held in Dubai, 14 –16 March 2004. ISSN 0305-7070 print; 1465-3893 online/06/040755-16 q 2006 The Editorial Board of the Journal of Southern African Studies DOI: 10.1080/03057070600995681

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termed the ‘Zimbabwe Culture’ by archaeologists.2 These sites have attracted much archaeological attention since the late nineteenth century.3 They have also been the subject of heated controversy, as white settlers used them to justify British colonisation of Rhodesia by denying they had African origins. The Rhodesian Front, led by Ian Douglas Smith, strengthened ‘the great denial’ by commissioning pseudo-archaeologists to ‘prove’ the structures were constructed by foreigners.4 This rejection of scientific research and misunderstanding of the Zimbabwe Culture in the interests of colonial domination is a particularly stark demonstration of the way the past can be manipulated for political gain.5 African nationalists challenged ‘the great denial’ from the 1960s, and looked to the Great Zimbabwe monuments as a source of inspiration, as evidence of a glorious pre-colonial past, and as a national shrine. People from across the political spectrum accepted the re-naming of Rhodesia as Zimbabwe, as undoubtedly it identified the country with its most distinct and dominant cultural heritage. Zimbabwe became the only country in the world named after an archaeological site and tradition.

Pre-colonial Architectural Traditions of the Zimbabwe Culture The archaeological term ‘Zimbabwe Culture’ refers to a cultural system that dominated the political landscape between the Zambezi and the Shashe-Limpopo basin from 1200 to 1900. Archaeologists distinguish four cultural phases and geographical facies, defined on the basis of architecture and material culture: Mapungubwe (1200 – 1280), Great Zimbabwe (1270 – 1550), Khami (1450 –1830) and Baranda (1450 – 1900). Studies of settlement hierarchies and distribution attest to shifting state systems presiding over the plateau and adjacent lowland basins, which were rich in gold and wildlife resources, particularly ivory.6 The gold was traded with potentates of eastern African coastal cities as well as with the Portuguese.7 Two stone architectural traditions dominate the Zimbabwe culture during the entire second millennium AD . These are, firstly, the free-standing walls of Great Zimbabwe8 and the succeeding Baranda phase, and, secondly, the retaining walls of Khami.9 Great Zimbabwe phase free-standing stonewalls are thick, well-coursed and often built on earth foundations. 2 P.S. Garlake, Great Zimbabwe (London, Thames and Hudson, 1973); I. Pikirayi, The Zimbabwe Culture: Origins and Decline in Southern Zambezian States (Walnut Creek, CA, Oxford and London, AltaMira Press, 2001). 3 J.T. Bent, The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland (London, Longmans Green, 1892); R.N. Hall, Great Zimbabwe, Mashonaland, Rhodesia: An Account of Two Years’ Examination Work in 1902–4 on Behalf of the Government of Rhodesia (London, Methuen, 1905); R.N. Hall, Prehistoric Rhodesia: An Examination of the Historical, Ethnological and Archaeological Evidence as to the Origin and Age of the Rock Mines and Stone Buildings with a Gazetteer of Medieval South-East Africa, 915 AD to 1760 AD and the Countries of Monomotapa, Manica, Sabia, Quiteve, Sofala and Mozambique (London, Fisher T. Unwin, 1909); R.N. Neal and W.G. Neal, The Ancient Ruins of Rhodesia (London, Methuen, 1902); D. Randall-MacIver, Medieval Rhodesia (London, Macmillan, 1906); G. Caton-Thompson, The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1931). 4 See, for example, R. Gayre, Origin of the Zimbabwean Civilization (Salisbury, Galaxie Press, 1972). 5 See, for example, Garlake, Great Zimbabwe, and R. Summers, Ancient Ruins and Vanished Civilizations of Southern Africa (Cape Town, TV Bulpin, 1971). 6 T.N. Huffman, ‘Iron Age Settlement Patterns and the Origin of Class Distinction in Southern Africa’, Advances in World Archaeology, 5 (1986), pp. 291–338; T.N. Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe (Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press, 1996); P.J.J. Sinclair, Space, Time and Social Formation: A Territorial Approach to the Archaeology and Anthropology of Zimbabwe and Mozambique, c.0–1700 AD (Uppsala, Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis, 1987); P.J.J. Sinclair, I. Pikirayi, G. Pwiti and R. Soper, ‘Urban Trajectories on the Zimbabwe Plateau’, in T. Shaw, P.J.J. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Okpoko (eds), The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns (London, Routledge, 1993), pp. 705–31. 7 I. Pikirayi, The Archaeological Identity of the Mutapa State: Towards an Historical Archaeology of Northern Zimbabwe (Uppsala, Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis, 1993); Pikirayi, The Zimbabwe Culture. 8 R. Summers and A. Whitty, ‘The Development of the Great Enclosure’, Occasional Papers of the National Museums of Rhodesia, 3 (1961), pp. 306–25. 9 K.R. Robinson, Khami Ruins (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1959).

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They taper towards the top and recede inwards for stability, and unbonded, well-shaped stone blocks defined their exterior and interior surfaces, with irregular blocks used as infill. The walls abut each other, making it possible to define building sequences through time.10 These radial, abutting walls define enclosures and sub-enclosures, within which there are circular dhaka houses, suggesting that the sub-enclosures were used as domestic spaces. The spatial pattern of the neatly-built stone enclosures suggests they were the residences of the most important people. On the periphery, there is stonewalling that is poorly coursed, but which is also an integral part of the structure.11 Archaeologists and anthropologists are still debating the meaning of the decoration on the exterior walling surfaces of some sites, which takes the form of chevron (zigzag), linear or oblique patterns.12 Further research is also needed to determine how important ceramic decorations related to other forms of ornamentation.13 According to Seda, between 45 and 75 per cent of the total repertoire of African design is found in pottery.14 Several other features remain a mystery to this day, particularly at Great Zimbabwe, such as the conical towers on top of the walls of the hill complex, and the two towers (one cut in half) in the Great Enclosure. Archaeologists have interpreted the towers as symbolising grain storage15 or male fertility,16 but there is no supporting archaeological or ethnographic evidence. Khami phase structures do have some standing walls inherited from the earlier Great Zimbabwe phase, but the retaining walls built around and over hill tops are more important. The top surfaces of these walls are level such that they create a platform for residential, solid clay houses. At Khami, Danangombe and Naletale, a passageway leading to the hill-complex is cut through the retaining walls towards the summit, and one of the Khami passages was covered on top. Khami phase sites have platforms that are profusely decorated with designs of check, herringbone, lines, chords and chevrons, and many have well-decorated walls. Khami itself has more than ten terraced platforms spread over 40 hectares, suggesting the existence of a royal palace and a town. The layout of the sites attests to continuity in architectural styles from the preceding Zimbabwe Culture phase, but a change in human perceptions of, and control over, nature. The curvilinear designs of all the sites locate them within the realm of Karanga material culture and worldview.17 Some public buildings and monuments built in Zimbabwe since the 1990s have incorporated features of pre-colonial Zimbabwe Culture architecture. The most remarkable, in my opinion, is the Kingdom Hotel at Victoria Falls world heritage site, and the ensuing discussion demonstrates the archaeological and ethnographic inspiration of some of the hotel’s features. The article then considers other buildings inspired by the Zimbabwe Culture, such as the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ, Dura House) and the new Harare International 10 Summers and Whitty, ‘The Development of the Great Enclosure’; A. Whitty, ‘Architectural Style at Zimbabwe’, National Museums of Southern Rhodesia Occasional Papers, 23a (1961), pp. 289– 305; D.P. Collett, A.E. Vines and E.G. Hughes, ‘The Chronology of the Valley Enclosures: Implications for the Interpretation of Great Zimbabwe’, The African Archaeological Review, 10 (1992), pp. 139– 61. 11 T.N. Huffman and J.C. Vogel, ‘The Chronology of Great Zimbabwe’, The South African Archaeological Bulletin, 46 (1991), pp. 61–70. 12 See for example, Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles. 13 T.N. Huffman, ‘Ceramics, Settlements and Late Iron Age Migrations’, The African Archaeological Review, 7 (1989), pp. 155 –82; T.N. Huffman, Iron Age Migrations: The Ceramic Sequence in Southern Zambia – Excavations at Gundu and Ndonde (Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press, 1989). 14 O.S. Seda, ‘Some Reflections on the Essence of Curvilinear Form in Shona Material Culture’, in E.M. Chowome, Z. Mguni and M. Furusa (eds), Indigenous Knowledge and Technology in African and Diasporan Communities: Multi-Disciplinary Approaches, Southern African Association for Culture and Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe in association with the National Council for Black Studies, Inc. USA (Harare, Mond Books; California, Carson, 2000), p. 161. 15 Garlake, Great Zimbabwe. 16 Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles. 17 Seda, ‘Some Reflections on the Essence of Curvilinear Form’, pp. 161 –8.


Airport (HIA) terminal, both of which are modelled, in whole or in part, on the Conical Tower in the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe and the national Heroes’ Acre, where burial sections have been built in accordance with the architecture of both Zimbabwe and Khami phases. These descriptions form the basis of a discussion of the use of pre-colonial architectural themes in contemporary settings. Zimbabwe Culture art (considered narrowly in decorative or ornamental terms) appears in a number of geometric designs on several media, such as stone-wall structures and artefacts such as pottery and drums. The functions of these architectural features can be seen in symbolic and ritualistic terms: they represent and communicate social codes and statements, the meaning of which remains controversial.18

Architectural Heritage and Post-Modernity The term post-modernism stems initially from debates about architecture. My discussion of Zimbabwe’s postcolonial architectural heritage provides an excellent opportunity to explore the term’s meaning, grounded in a specific historical context. Such specificity is unfortunately often missing in discussions of post-modernity, and the case studies presented here demonstrate its theoretical and practical relevance. There is an extensive literature on the authorship and ownership of pre-colonial architectural heritage sites, such as the archaeological syntheses by Peter Garlake, Innocent Pikirayi, Paul Sinclair and Webber Ndoro,19 and the more recent anthropological critiques of Joost Fontein.20 Yet there are few studies of post-modernist architecture and its relationship with the pre-colonial past. The exception is Martin Hall’s examination of Sun City’s ‘Lost City’ (in north-western South Africa), which discusses the hotel complex in the context of the misinterpretation and misrepresentation of Great Zimbabwe.21 Many of Zimbabwe’s architectural monuments, built since 1990, can be seen as a reaction against modernism’s universalising forces, its functionalism and abstraction, and the crisis of urbanity. These forces have been criticised for leading to the loss of a sense of territorial identity, urban community and public space.22 They also create a break with the past, and the period after the Second World War has been criticised for ‘destructive modernisation’ in some contexts.23 This critique of modernism has also affected city planners, as some scholars believe there is a crisis of urban modernisation, demonstrated by inequality, segmentation, and alienation, and a loss of purpose, function and meaning of cities. Such critics also uphold a distinction between the values modern cities stand for, and those upheld in rural communities. Following this line of argument, it could be argued that in Zimbabwe, European colonisation created a sharp urban – rural divide, and related crises of identity. In responding to the challenges created by urbanisation, architects and urban planners tended to neglect the 18 See debates in D.N. Beach, M.F.C. Bourdillon, J. Denbow, M. Hall, P. Lane, I. Pikirayi, G. Pwiti and T.N. Huffman, ‘Review Feature: Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Ancient Zimbabwe by T.N. Huffman’, The South African Archaeological Bulletin, 52, 166 (1997), pp. 125–43. 19 Garlake, Great Zimbabwe; Pikirayi, The Zimbabwe Culture; Sinclair, Space, Time and Social Formation; W. Ndoro, Your Monument, Our Shrine: The Preservation of Great Zimbabwe (Uppsala, Sweden, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, 2001). 20 J. Fontein, ‘The Silence of Great Zimbabwe: Contested Landscapes and the Power of Heritage’ (PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2003). 21 M. Hall, ‘Great Zimbabwe and the Lost City: The Cultural Colonisation of the South African Past’, in P.J. Ucko (ed.), Theory in Archaeology: A World Perspective (London, Routledge, 1995), pp. 28–45, M. Hall, ‘The Legend of the Lost City; Or, the Man with Golden Balls’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 21, 2 (June 1995), pp. 179 –99. 22 K. Robins, ‘Prisoners of the City: Whatever Could a Postmodern City Be?’, in E. Carter, J. Donald and J. Squires (eds), Space and Place: Theories of Identity and Location (London, Lawrence and Wishart, 1993), p. 303. 23 Ibid.


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local and the rural, in preference for an over-centralised, dominating and exclusive modernist culture. However, the basis of post-modernist architecture or urban planning should not be grounded solely in the wrongs of modernisation. The latter had a purpose to serve, despite its attendant problems. Post-modernism is seen by some scholars as an attempt to re-establish ties with the past, by invoking identity and community and representing personal and collective roots.24 In postmodernist planning, cities are recreated to reflect multiple perspectives and influences. Postmodernism can also be seen as aiming to return to the human scale, by seeking to recreate community by deploying vernacular forms; it aims for a renaissance of tradition and a reenactment of place, and tries to reclaim notions of identity linked to local cultures that were sidelined by modernism.25 In the context of this post-modernist re-valuation of tradition, it is understandable why Zimbabwe Culture architecture has proved an inspiration for architects in Zimbabwe, although it has yet to have an impact on urban planning. The Kingdom Hotel complex and the Lost City at Sun City in South Africa both represent a ‘rediscovery’ of a past Golden Age, although accompanying legends or storylines are highly distorted historical accounts of the African past, as Martin Hall demonstrates in his authoritative critique of the Lost City.26 My aim here is not to provide a study of post-modernist architecture, but to critique the design of particular buildings from the perspective of cultural heritage. Modernity is a major challenge to those interested in maintaining connections with the past, as it has sidelined African heritage from public space, not only in its material forms, but also its related values. Architecture, for example, can be seen as a product of intellectual interaction between the individual and society in both material and spiritual terms, and as manifesting both the tangible and intangible values of society. In contrast to modernity, post-modernism is more inclusive. If architecture is a culmination of human intellectual creativity that we now associate with civilisation, vernacular architecture should also be included. Such values of inclusivity in representation are important in defining the character of the 21st century, and provide the context for the following discussion of several Zimbabwean buildings.

The ‘Kingdom’ The Kingdom Hotel complex is presented to the tourist visitor as a ‘legendary world’, ‘Africa’s ancient allure’, and as bridging the ‘hazy divide between comfortable reality and extravagant fantasy’. Located less than ten minutes walk from the Victoria Falls world heritage site, the 294-room hotel, which can accommodate up to 700 people, provides excellent restaurant and bar facilities, a business centre, a casino, outdoor swimming (four pools), an attractive lakeside setting, banking and shopping, a beauty parlour, health studio and pharmacy, and a children’s play area, all within a remarkable African architectural context. The discussion here highlights the archaeological inspiration behind this complex, particularly the Zimbabwe Culture stone architecture and aesthetics. The circular hotel foyer leads the visitor into the massive realm of the Kingdom. A T-shaped ‘bridge’ links the foyer to the entrance and casino and lobby/reception. These four spaces (foyer, entrance courtyard, casino and lobby) are circular, have domed roofs ‘thatched’ with grass and the roof apex is adorned with ‘elephant tusks/ivory’, vertically mounted to present a flared ‘horned’ appearance. The use of rounded shapes and curvilinear 24 D. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: an Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge, MA, Blackwell, 1990), p. 12; Robins, ‘Prisoners of the City’. 25 Ibid., pp. 306, 308. 26 Hall, ‘Great Zimbabwe and the Lost City’; Hall, ‘The Legend of the Lost City’.


Figure 1. The main entrance of the ‘Kingdom’. Note the columns or bastions resembling the Conical Tower at Great Zimbabwe. Perched on top of these ‘towers’ are the Zimbabwe Birds. Source: Webber Ndoro, courtesy of the Archaeology Unit, University of Zimbabwe.

structures is significant in evoking the African past, as noted above (Figure 1). Immediately east, and adjacent to the lobby and casino, are the guests’ rooms grouped into 12 complexes of up to four levels raised on a quasi-ovalloid plan. This curvilinear plan follows the edges of an artificial lake, and in some instances, appears to be floating on the water, suggesting in some places that it acts as a moat. The courtyard foyer is adorned with statues of ‘warriors’ armed with spears and shields, evoking the notion of a well-defended African palace. There are upto seven massive columns of well-dressed ‘granite’ blocks, perched on top of which are ‘carvings’ of Great Zimbabwe birds. Thus, the visitor is clearly entering not only a royal area, but an arena also protected by spiritual powers.27 Wall panels in between the columns are dressed with well-shaped stone blocks reminiscent of the neatly coursed stone walls at Great Zimbabwe. The walls around the waterfall area flanking the bridge to the lobby are decorated with a horizontal chord pattern towards the top and bottom sections, and a herringbone design in the middle. More Zimbabwe bird ‘carvings’ are mounted on rows of paired ‘segmented columns’, and another pair of birds are located to the right end of the bridge leading in to the entrance courtyard to the south. A complex of thatched roof ridges with ‘ivory’ crowns covers the passage(s) from the concierge to the casino and lobby and once again suggests a royal presence. Several smaller domes cap some of the building complexes, possibly indicating the presence of the ‘nobility’. Although the structures are mostly plastered or painted in brown, neatly coursed ‘stonework’ is exposed here and there, ‘attesting’ to the existence and originality of this rich artistic architectural tradition. The use of timber beams for roofing also reflects traditional African architectural styles. Horizontally protruding timber beams are affixed to slanting timber members, which lean on the wall top-end at an angle. Most of these beams do not have grass thatch, but ‘once served’ as verandahs to some of the residential complexes. Timber stakes also adjoin columns that define bridges/passages to the entrance and foyer as well as those linking the residential complexes across the lake. 27 Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles, pp. 134– 6.


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Much of the exterior of the hotel complex is ‘stockaded’ with vertical, spear-headed iron stakes. The top and bottom sections of these stakes are decorated by a horizontal continuous chevron pattern, echoing the motif on the outer girdle wall of the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe. This stockade obviously secures the complex from external intrusion but the symbolism behind the artwork is more interesting. The ‘vertical spears’ can be seen to represent guards, while Great Zimbabwe phase artwork used inside the hotel complex presents a regal image to the visitor. Several wall sections have well-dressed stonework, decorated with horizontal bands of herringbone and chord. ‘Artefacts’ in some of the rooms also bear Zimbabwe Culture artwork, such as the spear-shaped lamp holders and lampshades carrying crocodile symbols.28 Other art, including beadwork is displayed in wall cases in some conference rooms. Like the Lost City at Sun City, it is possible to read the Kingdom’s architecture as invoking a number of legends. It can narrate the story of an ancient civilisation rediscovered with some of its treasures intact, implying wealth through its ornamented massive stone walls, and ‘the dome of treasure’ – the casino. It can also be read as a story of migrants arriving in a foreign land, who constructed a fort surrounded by a moat. The lake is comparable to the sacred river at the Lost City, where the ‘ancients’ struck on an underground river that filled the moat with a gentle current still flowing to this day. Besides the building itself, is the magnificent Mosi-oa-Tunya (‘The smoke that thunders’, the Victoria Falls), whose spiritual importance is linked to the Zambezi River God, Nyaminyami. The dominating Zimbabwe Birds suggest the king shielded himself from local ‘marauders’ by evoking their spirits to protect him from Nyaminyami’s people. This legend is supported by the well-armed and alert ‘warriors’ standing guard on the doorway. The bridges flanked by columns with Zimbabwe Birds leading in to the entrance, casino and royal ‘lobby’, may be compared to the Lost City’s elephant-flanked Bridge of Time – a passageway between ‘the hall of treasure’ (the casino) and the rest of the city (hotel complex). Some of the swimming pools can be seen as attesting to the existence of ‘royal baths’, some with healing powers, which cured one of the kings after being injured in battle. The bridge crossing the lake is not very different from the Sway Bridge at the Lost City, used to secure the royal family from the jungle path that made the palace vulnerable to attack.29

‘The Power’ Two further Zimbabwean buildings also symbolise the political and economic power of the postcolonial state of Zimbabwe and derive inspiration from pre-colonial Zimbabwe Culture. These are the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) and the Harare International Airport (HIA). The two buildings have transformed the skyline of modern Harare in a unique way that merits academic discussion. Situated at 80, Samora Machel Avenue, in the central business district of Harare, the new Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) complex marks the financial nerve centre of the country. The building was opened by President Robert Mugabe on 31 May 1996. It is widely regarded as the most technologically advanced, post-modern building in Zimbabwe. Designed by architects Clinton and Evans, this high-rise (28-storey) and high-tech security Government of Zimbabwe building has been described as ‘sturdy, robust and imposing’. When it was opened for business in 1996, before inflation distorted the cost of building materials, it was the most expensive single building ever erected in Harare. The new RBZ complex is modelled on the 28 Ibid., pp. 28–9, 57–9, 67 –8, 89–90, 94–5, 100–1, 112 –16, 133 –34, etc. 29 See Birds’ Eye View of the Lost City at Sun City/The Lost City Legends (Cape Town, NuMaps, [1992]1996).


Conical Tower in the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe. It has five podium levels and 23 semi-typical office levels in the tower, below which are basement levels, an annex, and, just behind, a building that has been set aside for car parking. A giant ‘soapstone’ Zimbabwe Bird guards the main entrance facing Samora Machel Avenue. The high-rise tower displays a lot of imagery from Great Zimbabwe as well as from Shona traditional life: the use of precisely cut polished grey granite panels, the granite walls etched with images of Zimbabwean rural scenes, and double continuous, horizontal rows of chevrons at both the top and bottom of the tower invoke an essentially traditional architectural structure in a post-modernist setting. The site chosen for the building is a place of memory with respect to early resistance to European occupation, as it is reputed to be the public hanging place of the spirit medium Nehanda, who co-ordinated the First Chimurenga of 1896–1897 in northern Zimbabwe. The RBZ Complex was raised on the rubble of Jameson House, which had been built in 1896–1898 in what was then Salisbury. Thus, the RBZ also represents a re-affirming of pre-colonial African values over colonial ones, in a postcolonial, modernist context. The RBZ complex, which took about four years to construct, appears to be out of context with the surrounding Harare skyline, perhaps due to its post-modernist outlook, its height and imposing nature. What is important to the discussion here is the inspiration for the design of the building, both on the part of the architects as well as the government of Zimbabwe. The answer lies in the symbolism of Shona rulers in matters relating to agricultural production. Kings had a duty to maintain surplus food reserves for distribution to subjects in times of need or scarcity created by drought or prolonged periods of aridity. These reserves were stored in the form of grain in specially constructed grain bins or silos, built with a fairly wide base and tapering upwards. The storage facilities were sealed to protect the grain from vermin, and a conical roof was erected to protect the entire structure from rain. In Shona society, symbolic representations of grain bins are rare, but some commentators have drawn a link between such structures and the Conical Tower at Great Zimbabwe. Peter Garlake, for example, describes the Conical Tower at Great Zimbabwe as the most dramatic of all the symbols at the site. In his opinion, it represents a grain silo.30 In Shona tradition, a ruler receives tribute in the form of grain which he distributes to the needy, to his guests, and to subjects more widely during times of drought. In this way, the grain bin is a symbol of authority and the generosity of the ruler, and of his role as provider, protector and father of his people. Thus the tower symbolised the essence and foundations of the state. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is a national reserve, a regulatory authority on matters relating to wealth, and a symbol of national continuity and survival. It manages the country’s financial and gold reserves, as well as the country’s debt. It also monitors other financial institutions in the country and provides assistance to those facing a serious liquidity crisis.31 The use of African traditional architectural styles and symbols in the design and construction of a post-modernist building creates a sense of continuity by evoking pre-colonial cultural values. The new terminal at Harare International Airport (HIA) is also a complex built in the postmodernist vein, invoking reminiscences of the pre-colonial past. It is quite different from other terminals in the world. Its design is inspired by the decorative motifs found at Great Zimbabwe, while the control tower evokes the Conical Tower in the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe (Figure 2). The terminal windows are arranged in four continuous horizontal rows of a chevron pattern, a further inverted row of triangles girdle the tower and discontinuous horizontal chevron lines decorate terminal fac¸ades overlooking the parking bays and the exits to the runway.

30 P.S. Garlake, Early Art and Architecture of Africa (Oxford History of Art Series, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 153. 31 Personal communication, Dr Zororo Muranda, Dean of the Faculty of Commerce, Chinhoyi University of Technology, August 2004.


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Figure 2. The Conical Tower inside the Great Enclosure, Great Zimbabwe. Source: Photograph courtesy of Ashton Sinamai, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe.

In contrast, the interior is disappointing in its lack of imagery of Zimbabwe culture. The only exception is a snack bar on the lower ground floor whose counter is ‘secured’ by four small metal conical towers. The rest of the terminal interior is as ordinary as any modern terminal, with checkin desks, security screening areas, immigration and passport control zones, duty-free shops, and waiting lounges adjacent to departure gates. Protruding and extending from the main terminal complex are air bridges leading to/from the aeroplanes parked for passengers boarding or disembarking. With their decorated internal walls and narrow passages, these passages are reminders of the parallel passages at Great Zimbabwe leading to the Conical Towers, or, more precisely, the once-roofed passage at Khami leading to the royal residences on the hill complex. The idea behind building the new terminal was to boost business in Zimbabwe, by facilitating travel and marketing the country to the outside world. When the government of Zimbabwe invited tenders for the construction of the terminal (through the Ministry of Transport’s Department of Civil Aviation), they stipulated that they wanted a building with a ‘Zimbabwean’ flavour. The highly imposing control tower housed in a conical structure protruding over and above the terminal complex suggests the architects hoped to symbolise the power of the state and its authority beyond the capital. The control tower is able to decode and send traffic signals beyond the airport building, relaying information to beacons and air traffic to ensure safe passage. It also supervises take-off and landing of all types of aircraft. The tower is thus the focal point of communication, with which aircraft must never lose touch. One can argue on the basis of this analogy that the Conical Tower at Great Zimbabwe acted as a focal point in the capital and was a symbol of the power of the state. Post-modernist architecture in this way offers a clue regarding the interpretation or conceptualisation of certain prehistoric architectural elements of archaeological sites.


Figure 3. A view of the national Heroes’ Acre in western Harare, showing some of the ‘retaining neatly coursed stone walls’ of the Khami phase. Source: Edgar Nkiwane, courtesy of National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe.

‘Forevermore’ One further site where Zimbabwe Culture architecture has been used is the national Heroes’ Acre, which is the burial shrine for Zimbabwe’s distinguished figures from both the liberation war and post-independence political and economic development (Figure 3). At the time of writing, 68 national heroes declared by the Government of Zimbabwe were buried at the shrine. It is located 7 km west of Harare, on the summit and adjacent saddle of Warren Hills, immediately south of the giant national sports stadium. From Bulawayo Road, a tarred road leads to the hill saddle, where a paved or cobbled open space sits between the terraces on the hill slope to the west, and the structures to the east. This space – the Grand Parade – is where the Head of State leads proceedings. Flanking it to the north and south are two trapezoidal structures built in slate, the top parts of which are mounted with giant mouldings of the Zimbabwe bird, enamelled in golden bronze. Brown plaques are on the wall panels, which chronicle the history of the liberation struggle. The structure to the north shows images of oppressed people, who resisted oppression and crossed the River Zambezi to Zambia where they took up arms. The structure to the south displays a continuation of the story of liberation, which now acquires a mass character, depicting victories on the battlefield. The intensification of the struggle leads to negotiation and eventual independence. The flag on one of these plaques symbolises freedom and national sovereignty.32 From the Grand Parade towards the hill to the east, a series of low circular platforms lead to an octahedral dais, on which stand three giant statues of Zimbabwe’s liberation war heroes, one of 32 Personal communication, Edgar Nkiwane, curator of Militaria, National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe, Harare, 11 March 2004.


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them raising the national flag. Behind this is a black granite structure. Immediately below is a rectangular ‘box’ symbolising the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, where ashes collected from mass burials of guerrillas who perished in both Zambia and Mozambique are kept. Wreaths of flowers are placed at the foot of the dais during the annual Heroes’ Day ceremony in memory of those who perished during the liberation war. This area, which is probably the most sacred part of the shrine, divides the site into two parts. On either side there are four curvilinear structures of undressed granite raised vertically and partly receding towards the hill slope whose contour they follow. The topmost walling is decorated by continuous horizontal chevron designs, like that found on the outer girdle wall of the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe. The walling is not free standing, but levelled on the top, and burial shafts are excavated from the surface. These ‘terraced platforms’ are reminiscent of the Khami phase buildings described earlier in this article. At Heroes’ Acre not only do these platforms show human impact on the surrounding natural landscape, but also the human symbolic presence and unity with the world of the ancestors. Burial shafts into which individual heroes are interred occupy the first three levels. There are 18 burials on the third platform (nine on either side), 20 on the second, and 22 on the first one. An additional eight are located on the lower ground immediately adjacent to the lowermost walling facing north. The platforms are accessed by a flight of steps leading from the lower end of both the north and south sides, immediately adjacent to the area marking the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. These steps converge on the fourth level, where, a long narrow passage with well dressed granite blocks on either side leads through a series of steps towards a 40-metre tower projecting from the hill summit (the Freedom Tower). An eternal flame lights the tower to symbolise the spirit of freedom inherent in humanity since time immemorial. The passages reflect the western and southern ascents of the hill complexes at Great Zimbabwe and at Khami. One architectural feature conspicuously absent at the national Heroes’ Acre is the Conical Tower. The Freedom Tower is apparently not an adequate substitute. This is being addressed elsewhere through the construction of liberation war memorials in Zambia and Mozambique – countries which provided launch pads for guerrilla incursions. The Chimoio Memorial, which was completed in 2003, is a miniature replica of the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe. This is described as the wall of contemplation, and embraces a Conical Tower and faces six mass graves where victims of Rhodesian bombing are buried. Inside this wall is a granite plaque, on which there is a roll of honour for those who lost their lives. Immediately below the tower is a dedication poem. An identical monument is going to be erected at Freedom Camp in Zambia.

The ‘Living’ Past This section furthers understanding of these post-modern buildings by considering debates about the meaning of pre-colonial Zimbabwe Culture architecture and settlements, drawing on concepts of landscape developed by archaeologist Peter Garlake.33 Garlake describes the walling at Great Zimbabwe as the perfection of dry stone masonry: referring to the outer wall of the Great Enclosure, he argues that the massive stone blocks give scale, texture, sparkle and interest to an otherwise overpowering monument.34 The stone walls were an adjunct to circular house structures made of low walls of solid clay.35 They did not serve functions connected with defence. Few walls achieve complete closure; many of the walls are short arcs with interruptions, while others are built on cliffs, which are relatively or totally inaccessible, the best example being the 33 Garlake, Great Zimbabwe; Garlake, Early Art and Architecture of Africa. 34 Ibid. 35 The recovery of post-holes indicates that posts were set in a ring around the outside of the external walls of claybuilt houses, demarcating verandahs of thatched structures, see for example, G. Caton-Thompson, The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reactions (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1931).


south-facing wall of the hill complex.36 Many internal features such as passages and paths, entrances and wall buttresses are laid out on the scale of the individual.37 The monumental nature of the structures, the use and expression of space on the scale of the individual, are the basis for the symbolism expressed in the stone walls. Garlake sees these stone structures as ‘intensely private places’. The walls, he argues, imply conspicuous expenditure and attest to the state’s ability to mobilise human resources to erect them. They were symbols of prestige, signifying the presence of royalty. In this way, they were carefully chosen symbols expressing the ruling elite’s relationship with ancestral lands and their people. Apart from symbolising the presence of a powerful ruling elite, the stone walls of the Great Zimbabwe phase clearly integrate natural boulders into their setting: they incorporate, and are an extension of, natural rock formations as one can see at the hill complex at Great Zimbabwe and sites elsewhere. This suggests that their builders not only used stones to build these structures, but also integrated nature into their world-view. Attempts to understand Karanga use of space and world-view could inform us why these people built their sites in this way.38 Clearly, though, nature was part of their living space. On Khami phase sites, the incorporation of entire hills into residential complexes suggests human dominance over nature and a world-view different from that of the earlier Great Zimbabwe phase. The case studies presented here show a striking convergence in terms of the use of archaeological imagery derived from the Zimbabwe Culture. Interest in cultural and natural heritage has defined an arena of competition cutting across a wide spectrum of society. Stakeholders such as scholars, business people, local authorities, tour operators, governments, and local communities believe they have a mandate to present, interpret, represent, conserve or use the past in their best interests and for a variety of purposes. The past is relevant to the present to all these groups. Cultural heritage attracts people to an area, as it gives a sense of place and uniqueness.39 Several pasts can be found in the context of the present. According to David Lowenthal, the past can be explored like another country.40 Of concern here is the marketing of the past for the benefit of industry, tourists and the public.41 No one has a monopoly on the usage of the past, although historians, archaeologists, ethnographers and other scholars such as heritage managers would stress the need to present it ‘accurately’ or ‘objectively’ for future generations. This expectation is contested among scholars who hold that all narratives of the past are subjective, and is also inaccessible to a broader public, who may not have access to relevant data or the resources necessary to conduct the research for a properly constructed narrative. The authority to represent the past as authentic, accurate and objective is thus the preserve of the scholarly world. Other professionals such as artists or architects do not aim to represent the past as history in all its totality, but explore it selectively, maybe focusing on aspects that excite them most. After all, not all aspects of the past are relevant to present-day needs. 36 Garlake, Early Art and Architecture of Africa, p. 151. 37 Ibid., p. 152. 38 T.N. Huffman, ‘Snakes and Birds: Expressive Space at Great Zimbabwe’, African Studies, 40 (1981), pp. 131– 50; T.N. Huffman, ‘Expressive Space in the Zimbabwe Culture’, Man, 19 (1984), pp. 593–612; Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles. 39 D. Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985). 40 Ibid. 41 G.J. Ashworth and P.J. Larkham (eds), Building a New Heritage (London and New York, Routledge, 1994); P. Fowler, The Past in Contemporary Society: Then, Now (London, Routledge, 1992); D. Horne, The Great Museum: The Re-presentation of History (London and Sydney, Pluto, 1984); D. Light and R.C. Prentice, ‘Who Consumes the Heritage Product? Implications for European Heritage Tourism’, in Ashworth and Larkham (eds), Building a New Heritage, pp. 90–116; P.T. Newby, ‘Tourism: Support or Threat to Heritage?’, in Ashworth and Larkham (eds), Building a New Heritage, pp. 206– 28; J. Urry, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies (London, Sage, 1990); K. Walsh, The Representation of the Past: Museums and Heritage in the Post-Modern World (London, Routledge, 1992).


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I concur with Qassim Sultan’s assertions that architectural heritage provides unique landmarks and reflects the development of society, and its ability to adapt and meet its functional and other needs. Architectural heritage, particularly taking the form of large monuments, is important as it ensures continuity between the past and the present by evoking aspects of the past, defining cultural identities, and giving a sense of belonging. Yet it is important to examine critically the discourses surrounding these sites, especially from the perspective of those who use and visit them. Many tourists visiting Zimbabwe would like to experience the country’s rich pre-colonial cultural and natural heritage, particularly the ‘Lost City’ of Great Zimbabwe, and the Victoria Falls on the great Zambezi River. These places are considerable distances apart, and are thus quite expensive for the budget tourist. The Kingdom represents a cultural package to the visitor intending to experience Victoria Falls beyond the traditional African dances and villages found in the resort. Its usage of Great Zimbabwe imagery and presentation of a mysterious theme of a ‘Lost City’ is designed to bring Great Zimbabwe closer to the Victoria Falls in much the same way that the Lost City at Sun City represents a ‘rediscovery’ of an ancient city destroyed thousands of years ago.42 The popularity of these destinations clearly demonstrates that the past sells, regardless of the fact it is usually presented in a manner that negates historical accuracy. Rather, the hotels display European misconceptions of precolonial Africa – the fabulous wealth and extravagance of African potentates, a mysterious world depicting forces of ‘darkness’ at work, leading to decadence and eventually, European ‘civilising mission’. In this way the pre-colonial past serves no other purpose than curiosity and a sense of adventure, and African cultural values are neglected. A ‘cultural package’ involving the Kingdom is expensive. It only benefits a privileged few who can patronise such places. Here is a good example of how post-modernity creates hierarchy. However, this hierarchy perpetuates some of the inequalities associated with modernity. Despite giving the visitor a sense of place and insight into a rich cultural past, hierarchy undermines access and community in the usage of certain spaces. It should however be acknowledged that post-modernist architecture is not cheap in terms of design or maintenance. It is extremely expensive and the owners of such buildings must recover their costs from the business they generate. The Kingdom, the RBZ complex and the new HIA terminal are public buildings whose functions are not offered free of charge: the public is either directly or indirectly levied to use them. The Heroes’ Acre is the only public space where visitors enjoy use of the place for no charge. However, the Government of Zimbabwe absorbs the costs, both directly and indirectly, each time the country loses a person who is accorded national hero or heroine status, and also of the maintenance required to conserve the shrine. The Kingdom Hotel is a tourist destination, hence its presentation as a ‘legendary world’, demonstrating ‘Africa’s ancient allure’, which bridges the ‘hazy divide between comfortable reality and extravagant fantasy’. Built after Sun City, one would conclude that it is primarily a copy of this famous holiday resort in South Africa. However, its location in the Victoria Falls’ region may be considered by critics as misplaced, since, ordinarily, no legends of lost cities are linked to this area. Although the hotel is not marketed or presented as a ‘Lost City’, it is clearly built as a remnant of one such city. Although the Kingdom Hotel complex is a not even a microcosm of the vast Lost City at Sun City, it does invoke ideas about a mysterious African past, which has been both lost and partly recovered. Although the marketing department of Zimbabwe Sun Hotels has not yet published a brochure on the ‘legends of the Kingdom’, the curious tourist or visitor is

42 Hall, ‘Great Zimbabwe and the Lost City’; Hall, ‘The Legend of the Lost City’.


encouraged to ‘discover’ them. Legends connected with ancient cities are popular with tourists, as they constitute an exciting, alluring, holiday package. They are also popular with children especially when they are used in an interactive way. This is the concept behind the ‘Jungle Mania’, or the ‘Legends of the Hidden Temple’.43 The idea of the Kingdom at Victoria Falls is apparently not a weird marketing concept; neither is it completely out of place with cultural reality, nor a carbon copy of the Lost City at Sun City. Its architects and designers might have thought they were ‘transplanting’ Great Zimbabwe to the Victoria Falls, but archaeological and historical reality suggests otherwise. Zimbabwe Culture states, from Mapungubwe to the Rozvi-Changamire, were characterised by territorial shifts to cope with delicate plateau and lowland environments as well as the changing patterns of international and regional trade.44 Not far away from the Victoria Falls are a number of Zimbabwe Culture royal residences. These were built in the early eighteenth century, when Rozvi groups migrated from the core area of the Changamire state on the Zimbabwe plateau heartland and settled in the lower Gwai, Deka and Matetsi river valleys where they continued the tradition of building in stone. The Rozvi in this area are identified locally as the Nambya. They interacted with the Tonga and Leya, living on either side of the Zambezi.45 The Victoria Falls world heritage site is a convergence zone of a number of cultural groups and languages. Some of these cultures are presented in a traditional village setting, the African Village, another attractive tourist entertainment and ‘living museum’, also found in the resort town. Here Karanga, Ndebele, Nambya, Tonga, Chewa, and other material culture is displayed in a traditional African village, which is enlivened by cultural performances such as ritual, song and dancing. Critiques of this concept might point to the ‘diluted’ nature of the African traditions that are presented to the visitor, but more important is the ‘African traditional experience’. The Zimbabwe Culture as exemplified in the Victoria Falls by the Kingdom Hotel, and its associated intangible heritage underlines its deserving presence in the resort town. There are a number of ambiguities connected with the building of the RBZ. The original site on which the new RBZ building now stands was listed as worthy of preservation because it had been the former High Court building. That was of interest to the Rhodesian government but also to Zimbabwean nationalism because it was on this site that Mbuya Nehanda, a heroine of the 1896 –1897 war of resistance against the whites, was tried.46 Everyone identifies the building primarily it terms of its primary functions. Zimbabwe’s economy, particularly during the last three years, has been shaped by the bank’s monetary policies, aimed at the country’s economic revival. These challenges include a dwindling foreign exchange reserve, ballooning national and international debt, and growing inflation. Ordinary Zimbabweans’ attachment to the building has little to do with the architecture, but rather the bank’s fiscal policies. The history associated with the area where the building is erected is at the moment conveniently forgotten as no one genuinely believes Zimbabwe’s current economic problems are colonial. Perhaps we should contextualise this, by remembering that back in the fifteenth or sixteenth century, Great Zimbabwe itself was faced with economic 43 Produced by Nickelodeon, Florida, Legends of the Hidden Temple is one of the most creative game shows ever shown on television. Six teams, each composed of a boy and a girl, compete to enter the sacred temple, guided by ‘explorer’ Kirk Fogg. The team that passes three physical and mental games qualifies to go into the temple to retrieve a treasure hidden in one of its rooms. The giant Olmec, who knows everything about its interior possessions and the legends accompanying each possession, guards the temple. 44 Pikirayi, The Zimbabwe Culture. 45 Ibid., pp. 213–14. 46 A tree outside is commonly, but erroneously, thought of as the site of her execution by hanging. Mbuya Nehanda was executed inside a prison, away from any public gaze. There has been some lobbying, by among others the Heritage Foundation, for the tree to be declared a national monument. The Zimbabwe Government allowed the building of the new RBZ on the site, provided there was some memorial to Nehanda.


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decline, coupled with global changes in trade which brought the Portuguese to the Zimbabwe plateau.47 African international airports are now being designed to market the countries in which they are located by presenting an image that has a local flavour and welcoming atmosphere to the visiting tourist. HIA was designed with this idea in mind, and its architectural presentation largely fulfils this. Its Great Zimbabwe image is however limited to the control tower designed along the lines of the Conical Tower. The current approach to the new terminal from the main runway makes it difficult for the visitor to notice this. However, the imposing tower and the chevron decorative motifs are clearly visible, especially when approaching the terminal from the city of Harare. There are some monuments built by African ruling elites in order to express elements of ritual. The Heroes’ Acre is one such place. The criteria used to identify a national hero are controversial, as the final decision rests with the ruling party. The burial of a hero or heroine is regarded as a national event with which all Zimbabweans are expected to identify. As such, they are expected to converge at the shrine to witness the ceremony. Indeed there have been spontaneous convergences onto the shrine following the death of some veteran nationalists, notably, Joshua Nkomo, Simon Muzenda and Eddison Zvobgo. However, for other heroes, the turnout has not been ‘overwhelming’ in comparative terms, although the media estimates the figures in their ‘thousands’ for lack of a proper official count. Besides these ceremonies, Zimbabweans, particularly from Harare, are expected to observe Heroes’ Day – normally set aside for 8 August – by attending the proceedings at Heroes’ Acre. The Head of State presides over the ceremony by delivering a keynote speech that celebrates the achievements and ideals of the country’s fallen heroes and heroines, and by laying a wreath on the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. This speech is also important in that the Head of State uses the podium to attack the west and the opposition for the country’s economic malaise. The speech normally carries with it major national policy decisions such as Zimbabwe’s ‘withdrawal’ from the Commonwealth, the refusal by the ruling party to negotiate a power-sharing deal with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and Zimbabwe’s involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo, among others. Ritual, in this instance, can be politicised. The fact that the national Heroes’ Acre is a protected monument where ceremonies and rituals are conducted clearly illustrates its sacredness. The presentation of the monument is somehow distorted by features that apparently have nothing to do with Great Zimbabwe type architecture, such as the sacred flame, the huge murals, and the Korean influence on the design. Archaeologically, no burial sites have yet been recovered at Great Zimbabwe or in association with any other Zimbabwe phase walling, except at Danangombe (a Khami phase site), where two burials were excavated during the 1930s on the east side of the highest platform complex.48 Since people were buried within Zimbabwe Culture structures the architectural concepts and symbolism employed at the national Heroes’ Acre are therefore not totally out of character with Zimbabwe’s pre-colonial traditions.

47 I. Pikirayi, ‘The Demise of Great Zimbabwe: An Environmental Appraisal’, in A. Green and R. Leech (eds), Cities in the World 1500–2000: Proceedings of the Society for Post-Medieval Archaeology Conference, Southampton, 18–20 April 2002 (London, Maney Publishing, 2006). 48 Caton-Thompson, The Zimbabwe Culture.


Conclusion It is fitting to conclude by resorting to contemporary, postcolonial issues pertaining to the past, particularly the growing global concerns with the preservation of cultural heritage. Cultural heritage organisations such as UNESCO, ICOMOS, ICCROM, Africa 2009, among others, have drawn up charters, conventions, guidelines and principles for the protection of archaeological, architectural, vernacular, and other heritage. Critical issues have arisen from attempts to conserve (preserve), restore (re-establish), renovate (renew), maintain, repair, stabilise, rehabilitate, modernise, reconstruct and, in extreme cases, relocate monuments. There are clearly multiple difficulties in trying to preserve the past for future generations in a context of growing poverty on the one hand, and global trends towards modernisation on the other. There are future problems when concepts and principles of preservation do not involve communities who closely identify with the heritage in question. An added dimension to this is the intangible aspect of the heritage, which also needs to be recognised and preserved. Postmodernist architecture, such as that represented by the case studies discussed here, raises similar issues. The Kingdom Hotel, the new RBZ, the new HIA terminal, and the Heroes’ Acre are important buildings and structures that express the political greatness of Zimbabwe’s pre-colonial kingdoms, particularly in the spheres of political and economic power and elaboration of certain kinds of ritual. They are testimony to a living and usable past, which can be enjoyed (in the case of the Kingdom), used to demonstrate political and economic power (as with the Airport and Reserve Bank), or to create spaces for ritual (the Heroes’ Acre). That such architectural heritage can be politicised, underlines the fact that it is a living past that serves and contextualises the present, as the present is a product of the past. INNOCENT PIKIRAYI Department of Archaeology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria 0002, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]